Review some of the key controversies around “entheogens”: what are some of the prevailing understandings of these kinds of substances in ritual? How have such ‘drugs’ been considered sacred and/or profane?
The use of consciousness altering substances has been present in religions around the world for thousands of years. The most known is the red wine a Christian priest drinks during mass, a symbol to embody Christ. In South America the eating of peyote cacti or the ingestion of a hoasca tea, a psychoactive concoction, is still used as part of religious rites. However, after colonial occupation and today’s increasing globalisation with the pursuit of universal rights, the consumption of such substances is becoming more and more controversial.
The following paper will assess entheogens, starting with some of the prevailing understandings of such ‘drugs’ and how these might be seen as sacred or profane. After defining the most important terms I will argue that peyote is used in American Indian cultures as a guiding way to divinity, in healing rituals and as a tool for communicating with the gods. The paper will continue to describe some of the views represented by western culture, such as the abusive or recreational use of such illegal ‘drugs’. Then this paper will go on and give examples of its sacred role in rites concluding that although these psychoactive substances are seen as profane by westerners, their sacred status has to be acknowledged.
Definition of terms:
Entheogen:
Entheogens (translated: god within) are psychoactive substances found in a plant or herb with a sacramental purpose to a religious group. The substance can be consumed in different ways e.g. unprocessed, dried or in a concoction but always in a religious context, mostly in rituals (Council on Spiritual Practice 2009).
Sacred and Profane:
Objects, events and beings are defined as sacred when these are classified as different to the ordinary world (Barfield 1997:416). A rock, a tree, a plant, a priest or a shaman is considered as sacred through the existing association with a spirit, the ancestors or other magical forces while everything in the ‘ordinary’ world is seen as profane (Barfield 1997:416). Something is either sacred or profane, one or the other.
The next Chapter will outline some of the understandings of entheogens giving examples of healing rituals, the role of peyote to find spiritual levitation as well as prevailing views in western society.
One of the several uses which helps understand entheogens in rituals is its purpose in healing ceremonies. In northern Peru, Anthropologists have only recently discovered the potential of traditional healing ceremonies to help cure people in the city slums. The plant ayahuasca is brewed into a tea and in a ceremony which is true to old beliefs the shaman seeks to cure the patient from pain (Dobkin de Rios 1973:69). After the shaman finished preparing the brew the patient ingests it, followed by the shaman himself who chants songs in Quechua, the local indigenous language. This psychoactive trance helps the shaman to find the cause of the pain which is mostly of magical origin, as well as to neutralise evil magic (Dobkin de Rios 1973:78). In this specific example traditional medicine is more effective that ‘western’ medicine, because as Dobkin de Rios (1973:69) argues it includes the cultural background and hence effects on a psychological level. It his highly contextualised and includes the patients’ spiritual background. My presumption is that it could be a variation of the placebo effect, although in a cultural context with the inclusion of the spiritual world. Perhaps it is simply not possible to comprehend the role of entheogens in healing ceremonies for someone who has not gone through this experience.
Visions under the influence of entheogens such as peyote are often interpreted as a form of communication between the gods and the people. The ingestion of entheogens, being a psychoactive substance, in most cases leads to visual ‘trips’. In these, the consumer sees people or things from the environment such as snakes or plants (Schaefer 1996:159). In the case of the pilgrimage of the Huichol Indians which will be described in greater detail later in this paper, peyote is collected to help guide the pilgrims home (Benitez 1975:135). Also, in the above mentioned healing ceremony the shaman can see under the huasca vision what spirits have caused an illness and how he can cure it (Dobkin de Rios 1973:78). These are just two examples that show the significance of psychoactive substances as an intrinsic part of Indigenous American rituals especially as a tool for communicating with the divine world.
On the contrary, entheogens are often seen simply as illegal ‘drugs’. Members of western society who are unfamiliar with such substances and the attached practices will deem them as socially unacceptable. This has led to a court case where members of the Uniao do Vegetal (UDV) church in America have fought for the legal consumption and possession of huasca (Earth Erowid [EE] 2006:1). First of all, it is simply understood as a substance which falls under the Controlled Substances Act (EE 2006:4) and hence is declared as illegal. The main concerns brought forward by the Government are the potential diversion from church members to non-members and the apparently proven health risks (Erowid 2006:5). In this particular case however, the government lost the court hearing because it failed to demonstrate the alleged negative effects of huasca, whereas the church could show that the plant is part of a “sincere religious exercise” (Erowid 2006:5). Yet the fact that this case was taken to court shows the controversy around the plant. In particular it shows that entheogens are not understood as religious sacrament but as a ‘drug’ violating the American law. As the judgement of society on social conduct is heavily influenced by the laws inhibited, I argue that entheogens are widely seen as socially unacceptable among western Americans.
As with any drugs which are widespread in western society such as alcohol, marijuana, LSD, Cocain and others, frequent consumers are often categorised as addicts and commonly are looked down upon by others in society. In my opinion it is easy to understand how consumers of peyote or huasca can be seen as drug addicts. However my argument is that judging the use of entheogens easily as a ‘drug’ is simply due to social prejudices. This is solely due to the ignorant, uneducated and ethnocentric view of the masses of people outside indigenous groups who lack understanding of these substances. If taken out of the religious context peyote loses its significance and can be seen as any other mind altering drug, an act of leisure or form of escaping reality. The fact that peyote is illegal in the US enforces the negative assumptions, if it is not the major cause for the prejudice. Through the teachings of this course and research for this paper I became familiar with the use of entheogens and distinguish the religious use and the possibly addicted drug consumer. Therefore I understand how people see entheogens as simple ‘drugs’ due to cultural ignorance and legal allegations, but personally do not agree with such views.
Following I will analyse examples from different cultures and their sacred use of entheogens. This seeks to give a brief overview of the religious importance of such substances as well as attempt to create an understanding of the variety of uses by religious practitioners and how it is seen as sacred.
The first example I will give to identify the sacred meaning of peyote is its significance in the annual pilgrimage conducted by the Huichol people in Mexico. The pilgrimage itself has several meanings for the Huichol, but is also referred to as the deer hunt. The term deer is used as a synonym for peyote because in the mythology deer is its spiritual ancestor (La Barre 1969:30). The men go past holy places in the area, continuously praying to their ancestors (La Barre 1969:30) in order to collect peyote on the fourteenth day of the pilgrimage (Benitez 1975:135). Peyote is not consumed until the pilgrims return to their families. Throughout the whole ritual peyote plays several highly complex symbolic roles, mostly representing deities and therefore, as La Barre (1969:33) puts it, Peyote is “deeply rooted in Huichol religion”.
Outlining every day of the fourteen day pilgrimage undertaken by the men would cover several pages hence I will give a brief summary. As part of the preparation, the men wash their heads (Benitez 1975:120). Five days into the journey the women confess their sexual sins in front of the shaman since failure to do so will result in bad visions when consuming peyote. This is interpreted as the haunting of the gods (Schaefer 1996:163).
The pilgrimage which has the final goal of finding peyote has several important roles for Huichol society. Firstly, as La Barre argues (1969:30) it is important for deciding religious arrangements and secondly it maintains social cohesion (Benitez 1975:151). Thirdly I argue that in doing so it annually reinforces the religious belief through an intense practice of prayers, cleansing and consumption of the cactus. The pilgrimage surrounds peyote and although not every ritual is directly related to it, everything contributes to the belief that peyote is not God sent, but furthermore is the “divine presence itself” (Bullis 1990:328). Every act is related to the cactus which is due to this highly sacred role in Huichol ritual. Altogether, peyote is a sacramental part of religious ceremonies such as the annual Huichol pilgrimage. Visions induced under peyote themselves are not the major concern but the plant itself is. As Benitez (1975:151) concludes, the Huichol do not only pray to peyote, but it is sacred itself.
Because of the heavy impact of entheogens on the nervous system western society has developed a contrasting view on the consumption of such substances. Having researched into the topic and outlined most of the understandings of these substances, generally there has been a separation into two viewpoints. I found that these contrasting understandings were due to the cultural background of the one assessing it. Hence, western culture or more specifically as in the example above the US judicial system, sees substances such as peyote and huasca as an illegal drug and therefore considers these as profane. The US government addressed three issues. Firstly it sought to protect “UDV members’ health and safety” (EE 2006:2), secondly to prevent “the diversion of hoasca from the church to recreational users” (EE 2006:2). Finally the governments’ concern was to respect the 1971 United Nations Convention of Psychotropic Substances (EE 2006:2). All of these arguments against the legal consumption of huasca discard any religious significance deeming it as profane. Besides this example I found little anthropological evidence for the profane existence of entheogens. My explanation is that Anthropology seeks to describe a cause from the cultural point of view or from an emic perspective without being enthocentric. This explains why these often portray entheogens as part of the culture and outline the plant’s sacredness. On the other hand an American court would represent the etic (outside) point of view and judge it under the Controlled Substances Act (EE 2006:2). But even in the case of UDV and huasca, the court had to abandon that the plant was profane and accepted that it is an intrinsic part of the UDV’s religion and rituals. Therefore the District Court had to acknowledge that the substance does not pose a threat to consumers’ health and legalised its consumption by UDV church members because it was a “sincere religious exercise” (EE 2006:5). Overall, this paragraph sought to demonstrate the understanding of entheogens as profane by the American judicial system however showing that in the case of UDV it is a true part of religion and hence is acknowledged as sacred.
Finally I will argue that entheogens are used in rituals as a sacrament which is reflected and profoundly based in the religious belief, often inhibited in the creation myth of the religion. A sign for the divine status of peyote in the relationship to the creation myth can be seen in a linguistic context. As mentioned, among the Huichol peyote is equated with ‘deer’. According to Benitez (1975:89) the deer was the principal food source in “primitive times” and therefore very important for the survival of the people. Its significance is reflected in the mythology. The deer is one of the most ancient deities among the Huichol, even older than the God of Fire. The mythology describes that corn as well as peyote originated from the deer which gives both a highly respectable and important status (Benitez 1975:89). As a frantic Huichol described to Schaefer (1996:138) “peyote is everything, it is the crossing of the souls, it is everything that it. Without peyote nothing would exist”. Bullis (1990:328) gives other examples such as that peyote is a gift from god to the people in need and that the “worshiper prays not only through peyote but to the peyote buttons”.
Another example I want to briefly mention to demonstrate the sacred position of entheogens as part of religious mythology is the consumption of cannabis among Rastafarians. The Rasta movement which started in the 1930s in Jamaica is a syncretic religion, based on Christian and African belief. It is mostly known for its emphasis on the African origin of black people and the use of cannabis as a sacrament. Rastas believe that the plant first appeared on the grave of King Solomon who was the wisest man know to earth (Barret 1988:129). As a result it is known as the “holy herb” or “wisdom weed” because its consumption keeps the mind witty (Barret 1988:129). This statement shows that Rastas believe that by ingesting the plant which derived from a wise and holy person they themselves become wise and reach an elevated spiritual state. Consume it to become like it. I think it is comparable to the English saying “you are what you eat”. Whatever culture it may be, mind altering substances can be used to reinforce the spiritual strength of an individual. It is a form of connection to the spiritual world. Especially strong substances such as the mescaline in peyote give the consumer vivid visual experiences.
This paper sought to demonstrate existing understandings of entheogens, such as its use in healing rituals, a way to communicate with the gods but as well its perceptions as an illegal drug. Mostly these substances are seen as sacred by anthropologists and the culture they are found in. However, western society deems entheogens mostly as profane. My argument is that if one is not familiar with the use, the importance and the symbolical meaning of these substances, the easy presumption is that they are profane. An understanding of the culture helps mediate and possibly eliminate false conclusions. Although never having taken peyote and hence I am unable to understand its effects, through the readings I suggest that these visions help relive the mythological world and connect to the spirits in a form otherwise not comprehendible. Schaefer (1996: 136) sums this up well. The effects caused by peyote eliminate the boundaries between the past and the present and “the gods, the ancestors, the events of Huichol mythic history, become physical and emotional reality”.
References Cited:
Schaefer, S. B. 1996 The Crossing of the Souls: Peyote, Perception, and Meaning among the Huichol Indians.
In S. B. Schaefer & P. E. Furst (Eds.) People of the Peyote: Huichol Indian History, Religion, and Survival, pp. 136-166. Alburquerque: University of New Mexico Press.
Benitez, F. 1975 In the Magic Land of Peyote. Austin: University of Texas Press.
La Barre. W. 1969 The Peyote Cult. USA: The Shoestring Press, Inc.
Barfield, T. 1997 The Dictionary of Anthropology. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers Inc.
Bullis, R. K. 1990 Swallowing the Scroll: Legal Implications of the Recent Supreme Court Peyote Cases. Journal of Psychoactive Drugs 22(3):325-332.
Barrett, L.E. 1977 The Rastafarians – The Dreadlocks of Jamaica. Kingston: Sangster’s Book Stores Ltd.
Dobkin de Rios, M. 1973 Curing with Ayahuasca in an Urban Slum.
In M.J. Harner (ed) Hallucinogens and Shamanism, pp. 67-85. London: Oxford University
Electronic Source Reference List:
Council on Spiritual Practices. 2009 Entheogen Projects [on-line].
Available from: http://csp.org/practices/entheogens/entheogens.html
[Accessed 26 May 2009].
Earth Erowid. 2006 UDV wins Supreme Court decision on preliminary injunction allowing the use of their ayahuasca/hoasca tea [on-line].
Available from: http://www.erowid.org/chemicals/ayahuasca/ayahuasca_law22.shtml
[Accessed 5 May 2009].
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